Jason Garner

Extend and Pretend

The U.S. has crossed 120% debt-to-GDP, higher than the temporary peak after WW2. That postwar ratio collapsed from 119% to 24% by 1974. History offers two exits from a debt crisis at this scale. We have neither.

Growth

The first is growth. After the Napoleonic Wars, British debt exceeded 200% of GDP. What followed was 100 years of primary surpluses, but the conditions that made those surpluses possible bear no resemblance to anything available today. Four things worked simultaneously. The Industrial Revolution was a once-in-civilization productivity explosion that grew the denominator for decades, shrinking the debt ratio mechanically. Britain was not a welfare state, no public health, no pensions, no public education, so spending was structurally minimal and surpluses were achievable. The people voting and sitting in Parliament were creditors who owned the gilts. Inflation destroyed their wealth, so they voted for sound money out of rational self-interest, not virtue. And the governing class operated on a genuinely long horizon. Public debt was understood as a claim on the labour of children not yet born, and the political will existed to endure decades of restraint for an outcome none of them would live to see fully. The franchise expansions of 1867 & 1884 that brought working class men into the electorate are precisely when the surplus era began to crack. The new voters were debtors, not creditors, and they voted accordingly. That being said, by 1914 the ratio had fallen to 30%. It took a century.

Financial Repression

The second is financial repression. After WWII, UK debt peaked at 238%. The U.S. sat at 119%. Neither defaulted. Both capped interest rates, let inflation run hot, and imposed capital controls on a (somewhat) closed financial system. Domestic savers had nowhere else to go, which is what made the repression survivable without triggering capital flight. Bondholders got robbed in slow motion, real rates were negative on average across the three decades that followed. Running alongside it was a second engine: the Baby Boom compounding into decades of labour force growth, expanding the denominator organically and doing heavy lifting that inflation alone could not have done cleanly. The debt melted away against a growing, inflating economy. It took thirty years.

Today

Neither is available today. Growth requires institutional patience our two-year congressional cycle cannot produce and a demographic tailwind that no longer exists, the manufacturing base has been offshored, and there is no Industrial Revolution on the horizon. Financial repression requires captive domestic savers and closed capital flows. Neither exists. In a globalized world, citizens and institutions can move capital instantly and do. Roughly a third of Treasuries are already foreign-held, and those creditors simply sell when real rates go negative. Or before.

What remains is slow debasement. Rates get cut faster than data justify. Inflation tolerance quietly expands. The Fed and Treasury coordinate more explicitly, as they have historically. The pretence of central bank independence was the exception, not the rule. My own inflation on a real basket of goods runs around 8%, roughly four times the reported level. Governments will continue to misrepresent this because the honest number would cause panic. The response to every crisis has confirmed the pattern: cut rates, expand the balance sheet, run the deficit higher, call it temporary. The temporary never ends. Persistent deficits become structural. Elevated debt becomes the new normal. The levers that resolved previous episodes are no longer available, so the game becomes extend and pretend: moderate nominal growth, slow erosion through incremental policy, waiting for someone else to face the reckoning.

It continues until it cannot. The sustainable ceiling for debt-to-GDP is somewhere in the 175 to 200 percent range. We have roughly 15 years before the arithmetic stops being deferrable. After that, tax increases and spending cuts are not enough. The dependency ratio deteriorates every year. This is visible in every actuarial table and ignored by every western populist because the crisis is far enough away to be someone else's problem. Markets are still pricing in resolution.

J